Thursday, October 17, 2019

"The Incorporation of the Hospital into Modern Technology...." (3rd lecture)



3rd lecture: “The Incorporation of the Hospital into Modern Technology”


The medicalized hospital dates from the end of the eighteenth century
·         Exemplar of the investigations of/into hospitals in 1760s, which had three characteristics:
o   Reform and reconstruction
o   Transformation from monumental to functional description of hospitals, as well as a description of “the state of cleanliness”
o   Inquiries conducted by doctors, not architects
§  Hospital as a mechanism of cure is the effect/result of these inquiries
·         MF poses a hypothetical objection: the perennial hypothesis that hospitals have always been dedicated to curing (cf. to the perennial hypothesis about the prison in D&P)
·         MF will “express a series of objections to that hypothesis”
o   MF argues for a crucial distinction between medicine and hospital (cf. to the punishment and prison distinction in D&P)
Prior to the 18th c.:
·         Hospital was a place to gather and assist to the poor, and was an institution of exclusion
·         Medicine was an individualistic enterprise: individuals (rather than diseases) were cured
·         Medical intervention revolved around a concept of crisis
·         There was nothing in the medical practice that organized knowledge
How did the hospital become medicalized in the 18th c.?  (The causal question of why.) (144)
·         The “principal factor” was “annulment of the negative effects of the hospital” [??? this is perhaps an odd category of analysis for MF to be using]
o   An effect of purifying the hospital of its harmful effects and disorder
·         Reform began in maritime and military hospitals in the 17th century (145)
o   Economic vector
o   Quarantine vector
o   Maritime and military hospitals became a model
How did this reorganization come to be carried about?  (The technical question of how.) (146)
·         Short answer: discipline (as a “political technology”)
o   Not invented but elaborated [not origin but emergence]
o   Not isolated but “perfected” [by which he must mean not isolated but diffuse]
What is it that arises in this period?  [I.e., what is discipline?  An archaeological description] (146)
·         Characteristics:
o   A fourfold list of characteristics:
§  “An art of spatial distributions” – above all, an analysis of space
§  Control over not “the results of an action but on its development”
§  A constant and perpetual surveillance
§  Continuous registration
o   Contrast the fourfold list of discipline in D&P (which is maybe not a problem b/c it’s a different field of inquiry):
§  Art of distributions
§  Control of activity
§  Organization of time
§  Composition of forces
·         Basic instrument:
o   The examination [MF doesn’t say much about it here]

MF’s central claim: introduction of disciplinary mechanisms + displacing of medical intervention allowed its medicalization (148)
·         Displacement of intervention:
o   From crisis in health to intervention in environment
·         Introduction of disciplinary mechanisms
o   As described above.

Now we can understand several characteristics of the hospital (149)
·         Localization of hospital and internal distribution of space
·         Transformation of system of power in the heart of the hospital
·         Permanent and complete records that register whatever occurs; “a collection of documents”
o   [But how diffuse is this?]

All of this leads to the formation of the clinic as a site for the organization and transmission of medical knowledge (151)

Thursday, October 10, 2019

"The Birth of Social Medicine" (2nd lecture)



2nd lecture: “The Birth of Social Medicine”

Begins with a summary of the “basic problem”: not opposition of medicine to antimedicine but “take-off” in medicine and sanitation (134).

Summary of the previous lecture (134-5):
·         Biohistory
·         Medicalization (MF will focus here, 135)
·         Political economy of Health

Social medicine versus individual medicine:
·         “With capitalism we did not go from collective medicine to a private medicine” but rather there were a whole host of social factors taking a hold of “the body” – “the body is a biopolitical reality” (137).

Three stages of the formation of social medicine:
·         State Medicine – Germany (pp.137ff.)
·         Urban Medicine – France (pp. 142ff.)
·         Labor Force Medicine – Britain (pp. 151ff.)

State Medicine in Germany
·         Staatswischenschaft: a field of study and a set of methods
·         Evaluation (or survey) of populations:
o   Birth and death statistics
o   Census surveys
o   Tables of birth and mortality
§  In France, England, and Austria: all without organized intervention to raise the level of health
§  In Germany: accompanied by attempt to improve health: through the Medizinischepolizei (140), first envisaged in eighteenth century, and then implemented in nineteenth century, by way of:
·         System of observation (140)
·         Standardization of medicine (140) [what about corollary standardizations of patients?]
·         Administrative organization for overseeing doctors (141)
·         Creation of official medical officers (141)
§  A project not of “labor power” but “strength of the state” in its “conflicts” both “economic” and “political” (141-2).  [Implicit references to unification and administrativization of Germany.  Is this an explanandum in need of an explanation?  Perhaps not.]
·         Later systems in France, England, and etc. were “scaled-down variations of this state-dominated administrative model” (142).

Urban Medicine in France [esp. Paris]
·         Social medicine and the expansion of urban structures (142) against the backdrop of eighteenth-century “heterogeneous cities”
·         Led to “problem of the unification of urban authority” (143) which was driven by both economic and political factors. – “a feeling of fear” and “a series of panics” (144) – a ‘problem’
·         Sets the stage for: “a new mechanism intervened” – “the model of the quarantine” (144): cf, D&P and CdF STP lectures.
o   Leprosy: expulsion
o   Plague: quarantine
§  Confinement to stay in dwellings, division of city, detailed reportage (“an exhaustive record”), daily check on cities, disinfection (145).
§  [What are the role of different techniques of documentation in the context of different social dispositifs?]
o   [Smallpox: security and inoculation – from STP, but not mentioned here]
§  [Were the models a response to the diseases?  Or were they a response to the problematizations in the background?  Or a function of both?]
o   The mechanisms then become part of the background against which the problems [and ‘social structures’] are intelligible.
·         Main objectives of urban medicine:
o   Study the accumulatiosn of illness-causing refuse (146), “analyzing the zones of congestion”
o   “Controlling circulation” (148) but primarily of elements, like water and air
o   Organization of distributions and sequences (147)
·         This medicalization is important because:
o   Medicine comes in contact with sciences (149)
o   Medicine begins to target what  later came to be called “environment” (15)
o   Medicine connected to notion of public health
·         The urban medical model remained decentralized (in part because of “the problem of private property”) and so was less authoritative than German Staatsmedizin, but was far more effective in terms of observational and scientificity.

Labor Force Medicine in England
·         Labor force or “poor people’s” medicine was not the first but the last objective of social medicine (151).  First, the state, then the city, and finally poor people.
o   Cf. HSv1, they first tried it on themselves
·         Poverty becomes a danger for (at least) three reasons:
o   Political reasons of social reason
o   Replacing the services of the underclass
o   Political and health fears (via cholera epidemic)
·         Establishment of class segregation (152)
·         Poor Laws of 1834 (153) – [what is the history of the Poor Laws for Foucault?]
o   “An important factor” made its “ambiguous appearance”: “the idea of a tax-supported welfare” (153).
o   This made an “officially sanctioned sanitary cordon” between rich and poor; the wealthy freedom themselves of the risk of being victims
o   A complex system whose components appeared later:
§  Emergence of Public Health Service:
·         “Control of vaccination”
·         Organizing the “record” of epidemics and diseases
·         Localization of unhealthy places
·         Only the English model persisted into twentieth-century (so French and German model passed away):
o   Medical assistance of poor
o   Control of health of labor force
o   General survey of public health
·         English model enabled creation of three superimposed medical systems: welfare medicine, administrative medicine, and private medicine
Beveridge Plan is the condensing end point: “it is always a matter of bringing these three sectors of medicine into play”