The group began with questions:
[1] Why is
Chapter 4 its own chapter? What is the distinctive point of chapter 4? Chapters
4-7 lay out history of emergence of clinic along two vectors: (i) epistemology
(chapters 6 & 7), (ii) institutional history (chapter 5). Is that a good
reading? On pp. 80 MF refers to the Ideologues. Does this clarify his earlier
use of the term ideology? The medicine wing of the philosophy of ideology.
[2] pp. 54-56
MF seems to be taking on another voice. Which perspective is he adopting? The
distinction between the subject of disease versus the interiority of disease. What
is the significance of this distinction?
[3] Towards
the end of Ch. 5 MF offers a more general discussion of liberalism and
utilitarianism. In what ways could this critique of the gaze and its violence
related to these schools? In what way is liberalism problematized?
[4] On pp. 83,
MF notes a problem: how is it that a poor person becomes an object of clinical
observation? Is this a problem that MF is pointing out? How do these categories
emerge? How is this model sustainable (i.e., how can the financing of the hospital
be sustainable if the point is for the poor to not really get better?)
[5] MF employs
the language of the contract (pp. 83-5). This is unspoken but present. He describes
the relation between doctors and patients as non-contractual. Can we trace these
relationships?
[6] On pp. 81
MF notes a distinction between the practical and the clinical. What does this
distinction involve and how does it emerge?
Discussion ensued.
PP. 54-56: What is the “ideal account” of the history of
medicine that MF is recounting? It involves several features. (i) the bedside
is the pre-theoretical “given” which is then interpreted through theory. (ii)
medical speech (theory) ends up obscuring immediate observation of disease (or
pain), (iii) it takes on a universal character, (iv) a way of looking at
medicine that is blind because it has no gaze.
What is this account about? If it is also about how to think
about history, what do we learn about archaeology here? In part, MF’s critique
of the “ideal history” is just that it is not based on historical fact. In
telling itself this story, it shows how heavily it valued the institution of
the clinics.
What MF is doing in Ch. 4: laying out an overview of the proto-clinic.
What is the relation between the proto-clinic and the clinic
(chapter 5)?
Chapter 5 seems to be about the “institutional reorganization
of medicine” organized into three parts. This language occurs on pp. 69.
MF begins chapter 5 by mentioning the figure of the child:
acquiring knowledge through the senses, not through language: “A language that
did not owe its truth to speech but to the gaze along” (69). The childlike
nature of the gaze at the beginning of the chapter seems to come into tension
with MF’s remark on pp. 84 that the gaze involves violence.
What could explain why medicine would be reliant on this
universal account of the patient’s immediate access to their disease/pain?
Can we think of the various reforms that MF describes as demonstrating
different kinds of “mediations” which ultimately complicate the initial “ideal”
history of medicine he discusses in chapter 4?
The distinction between two categories of object (79) seems
perplexing. Presumably the medical act is of this second type?
Questions for next week:
What kind of interests do the rich have in the hospital?
How does the proto-clinic relate to the clinic?
How does this institutional history relate to the more
epistemically-oriented chapters which follow?
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