Monday, March 7, 2011

Patton, New 'Constellations' article

Discussion Notes on Patton’s, “Life, Legitimation, and Government” (2011, Constellations: 35-45)


We began the discussion, as per usual, with questions.

1. Is Patton making too much of the decrease of focus on biopower in Foucault’s work in the late seventies? Patton suggests that biopower gets eclipsed in MF’s later work when he works with an analytic of governmentality. The article starts with a strong claim, “the concepts of biopolitics and bipower do not play a major role in Foucault’s work.” But the logic of the argument given for this thesis may also suggest that the concept of discipline does not play a major role in Foucault’s work. But that, it was suggested, can’t be right.

2. Is there a positive account of biopower in Patton, beyond the minimalism that Patton negatively suggests? A suggestion: What do techniques of biopower look like? Are these techniques ever dissociated from discipline? What about the idea (not nec. In Patton) that biopower does not have its own techniques, but always relies on techniques of other forms of power. This suggests that biopower is strictly representational, and not concerned with practice. Biopower as such is a discourse object, but not an object of practice.

3. We need another chart to figure out the relationship between governmentality, disciplinary power, biopower, security, etc.. Why can’t biopower be a way of thinking about a certain form that governmentality takes?

4. We need to come to terms with the following analytical distinction(s): Exercise of power | Representation of power (p. 38 and throughout). Does this map to a genealogy | archaeology distinction? (Answer: maybe.) What other distinctions does it map to? Does it map to a general | particular distinction? (Answer: no.) What is Patton’s claim about biopower in terms of this distinction?

With questions on the table, discussion of questions then began. We focused mostly on (2) and (4).

2. With respect to this question, a view was suggested that biopower is discursive rather than practical (call this view BD=biopower as discourse). The discussion at this point did not tack too closely to the article, but it was tied in later with the discussion of (4) that ensued.

BD: biopower operates on the level of discourse or representation, but is not itself a technique. Patton is not suggesting this explicitly, but it is one of making sense of Foucault's usage of biopower based upon the reading offered in the article.

BP: It was objected against BD that the very point of the concept of biopower is to suggest that populations can be a direct object of scrutiny, and thus that techniques that work over this object are themselves evidence of biopower functioning at the level of the exercise of power (call this view BP=biopower as practice).

BD: The response on behalf of BD was that, at the level of deployment, the techniques cannot be strictly biopolitical. The suggestion, clarified, is that there are techniques that get deployed on behalf of biopower, but that the difference that is biopower occurs at the level of discourse rather than practice.

BP: It was objected to BD that there are specifically biopolitical techniques: statistical sampling, vaccination, inoculation, economic techniques such as trade tariffs, &c..

BD: The response on behalf of BD was that these techniques, in order to be deployed, must be deployed at the individual level, and so rely on discipline.

BP: The objection to this was that of course biopower will tend to make use of disciplinary individualization in order to perform its work, but that biopower also implements techniques of its own. What are most measures of public health if not deployments of power at the level of the exercise of power, with its own distinctive ensemble of apparatus, technicians, and techniques?

BD: You can always traces these uses back to populations, even if these populations weren’t recognized as such. This suggests that Agamben, or at least a certain reading of him, was right: discipline and biopower were always essential to politics, and that biopower was about representation, and discipline about technique/exercise.

These objections to BD were forwarded by most of the group on behalf of a view suggesting something like BDP (biopower is discursive and practical at once, and that is the point of a genealogy). STill, it should be accepted that for most examples we could draw on, those that are organized by biopolitics are also organized by discipline. It must be underscored that the difference between biopower and discipline is not a dichotomy but rather a distinction. One concluding thought: biopower, discipline, sovereignty are all modes of power: they are enacted at both the representational (conceptual) and the practical (material) level and there are distinctive uses of each on both registers. But there are manifest overlaps.

4. We then discussed the representation | technique (or theory | practice) analytical distinction. This distinction does not map to that between general | particular. The distinction rather maps to that between technology and technique, or discourse (logic) and practice (action), or concept and materiality. This is a useful analytical distinction, but Foucault’s advantage is that he did not turn it into a dichotomy. In Hacking’s term, the value of archaeology and genealogy is that it provides an analytic for getting a grip on ‘looping effects’.

Patton thinks Foucault confuses representation and technique (“Foucault confuses the exercise and the representation of power” (38)). Patton sees Foucault as claiming to track techniques of power, but presenting findings, at least initially, in terms of representation/theory of power. This seems puzzling to many members of the group. But it fits well with (BD) in (2) above. Patton then suggests a little later that “it is at this level [of the exercise of power] that the transformation takes place” (38).

This leads in the article into a brief, and somewhat confusing for some of us, discussion of Agamben. Patton suggests that Agamben's homo sacer thesis is consistent with Foucault. If Foucault’s work is a representation of biopower, then this is consistent with Agamben’s representation of the seed of life in sovereign power. So Agamben is a good Foucaultian, but only if Foucault’s work on power is primarily operating at the level of representation.

It was suggested by some that Patton seems to think that biopower for Foucault is a representational concept, and that transformations in the workings of power are developed by Foucault in the light of analytical constructions such as security, neoliberalism, etc.. Biopower, as a representation, is always mediated by a technique.

But is Foucault’s work on biopower just a representation? This seems like a puzzling claim. Foucault’s work is never just representation or just technique. (Is this what Patton is claiming?) Foucault’s genealogies work at the level of representation and technique, and this is also the case with biopower.

Admin Discussion/Notes

Spring Qtr Reading Schedule below

Note: We will be reading each other’s work on methodological questions/issues during Spring term.

Note: Meetings Wed 11a-1p, location tba

Colin – three or four chapters from forthcoming Genealogy ms. (read early)

Vernon – response to Collier concerning topology (ready early)

Greg – a piece (for Poli Sci Methods course) on method with an empirical focus (ready late)

George – material on Austin & Foucault (ready early-late)

Nicolae – on Foucault & Chomsky (ready late)

Katherine – a piece on genealogy (ready mid-late)

Paul Rabinow – April 13th in anticipation of possible April 15th visit

so that amounts to 9 pieces for 9 weeks (plus maybe week 10)

2 comments:

  1. Reply from Paul Patton via email (numbers inserted by Colin)

    1a. The comments by your group are very helpful, for a number of reasons: I am still exercised by the concept of biopower and more generally by the distinction MF draws between representations and techniques of power. I have been working on this recently in relation to his aversion to normative issues and insistence on focusing on the ‘how’ of power: wrote a piece on Rawls and Foucault in O’Leary and Falzon ed Foucault and Philosophy, which I now realize is quite wrong about Rawls: he was much more interested in the how of power than I gave him credit for. But that actually makes the comparison with Foucault more interesting .

    1b. My current obsession in relation to the representation/ techniques distinction is with the relation to overtly normative representations of power, especially state power. The later Rawls is interesting in this regard, since he relies heavily on a concept of public reason that is informed by the requirements of justice, but that also includes matters of public policy that clearly fall within the ambit of ‘how’ power is exercised. Foucault’s sketch of elements of a genealogy of neoliberalism (the lectures are no more than this: I find it astounding that so many people read them as Foucault’s ‘critique’ of neoliberalism …) then offers a way to historicize Rawlsian public reason. But conversely, to the extent to which such a genealogy aspires to be critical, I think it cannot but engage with overtly normative representations of power.

    2. I am surprised that members of the group found my comments on this puzzling. Apart from anything else, there is the strange temporality of MF’s discussion of biopower in the 76 lecture, which moves from c.18 techniques of government applied to populations to a supposed transformation in the representation of sovereign power, which is then illustrated by reference to unnamed c.17 and c.18 jurists. If the emergence of biopower was the kind of epochal shift that he suggests one might have expected examples from the theory of right/ representation of sovereign power after this transformation, yet he nowhere discusses c.19 representations of sovereign power. These are at some points the limit of his discussion of liberal governmentality in the Birth of Biopolitics lectures, when he talks about the role of ‘interest’ in relation to the limits of state power and the rights of man, but he never gets down to talking about utilitarian representations of sovereign power per se.

    3. Thanks too for the reminder about Hacking. I read the ‘Looping kinds’ paper some years ago, and made minor use of Hacking in a paper about Deleuze’s views of language and events, but I have not looked at it recently. I should do so.

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  2. I’d like to say thank you on behalf of the group for taking the time to offer such a detailed response to this blog. I’d like to offer a small clarification regarding our confusion about your representation/practice distinction as it relates to biopower. You argue that the concepts of biopower/biopolitics proved to be too broad to be of use to Foucault’s empirical studies of different exercises or practices of power. In the last of his 1976 lectures, Foucault spoke of biopower in a way that confused representation with practice. By the 1978 lectures, Foucault moved toward a more narrow analysis of politics by discussing regimes of truth and practices of power in relation to particular corollary forms of governmentality. Some members of our group suggested that many of the techniques discussed in the first four chapters of the 1978 (Security, Territory, Population) lecture series should be considered as biopolitical techniques and practices. These members also pointed to the historical emergence of sexuality, which Foucault argued was produced through the many intersections of the biopolitical regulation of the population with the disciplinary regulation of the individual: is it not true that these intersections occurred both at the level of representation and practice? Other members of the group countered that these types of examples link up more directly with specific arts of governmental rationalities (e.g., physiocracy) and that biopower/biopolitics can only be made sense of at the representational level, and therefore adds little to our understanding of the interrelation between representation and practice. It was a stimulating debate and we ended without reaching consensus.

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